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TIME: Almanac 1995
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1995-01-31
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<text id=94TT1653>
<title>
Nov. 28, 1994: Middle East:Bloody Taste of Civil War
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
Nov. 28, 1994 Star Trek
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
MIDDLE EAST, Page 46
A Bloody Taste of Civil War
</hdr>
<body>
<p> Yasser Arafat answers the challenge from Gaza's Islamic militants
with lethal force, raising fears of worse fratricide to come
</p>
<p>By Lisa Beyer/Gaza City--With reporting by Dean Fischer/Cairo and Jamil Hamad/ Gaza City
</p>
<p> Yasser Arafat's security forces in the Gaza Strip, nearly all
of them veterans of the battle against Israel, faced a new foe
last week: the enemy within. They answered the challenge from
Gaza's Islamic militants in precisely the same way that the
Israeli occupiers had done--bluntly, and with lethal force.
By the time the bloody fraternal clashes had simmered down,
15 Palestinians were dead, another 200 were crowding the hospitals
and hundreds more were behind bars.
</p>
<p> More than that, the people of the Gaza Strip were filled with
a dread that worse was still to come, that the countdown for
a cataclysmic collision among Palestinians had begun. "The signs
are alarming," said Eyad Sarraj, a human-rights activist in
Gaza. "We have all the ingredients for a civil war." Certainly
the bloodshed marked a new low for Arafat's already troubled
administration. Self-rule has brought the Palestinians of the
Gaza Strip little but disappointment, and their frustration
is increasingly aimed at Arafat. Having turned his guns on compatriots,
the Palestinian leader now faces a huge new credibility problem
with his people.
</p>
<p> The potential for fratricide has always loomed in the background
as the Palestine Liberation Organization sought to impose its
authority, especially in the heavily fundamentalist Gaza Strip.
Until recently, Arafat's self-rule administration had maintained
a compact with the militant Muslim groups Hamas and Islamic
Jihad, which adamantly oppose his peace accord with Israel and
are trying to sabotage it with violence. The extremists focused
their attacks on Israel and areas of the West Bank still under
Israeli control. Arafat, for the most part, left them alone
within his jurisdiction in the Gaza Strip and Jericho, despite
Israeli pressure to crack down.
</p>
<p> Now the hands-off policy has broken down. Earlier this month,
Islamic Jihad for the first time publicly threatened to attack
Arafat's security personnel. Then the group struck hard within
the Strip itself, when a suicide bomber bicycled into an Israeli
army position, killing three soldiers. At the same time, Islamic
Jihad activists were holding a provocative rally in Gaza City,
brandishing rifles and promising more mayhem. Palestinian Justice
Minister Freih Abu Middain declared that the militants had "crossed
the red line." The Palestinian Authority banned unlicensed demonstrations
and rounded up some 200 Islamic Jihad members.
</p>
<p> Last Friday, Arafat's security men were tipped off that after
noon prayers, worshippers at the Palestine Mosque in Gaza City,
a fundamentalist stronghold, were planning to protest the recent
arrests. About 50 Palestinian soldiers and policemen gathered
outside and removed loudspeakers that had been attached to four
vehicles to broadcast slogans during the march.
</p>
<p> According to eyewitnesses, when the first worshippers emerged
after prayers and saw the dismantled speakers, they began to
shout "God is great!" The cries incited the crowd of 2,000 leaving
the mosque. Scores of men and boys began to pelt the security
forces with stones and concrete chunks, hitting a soldier in
the head. Says a policeman who was there: "When we saw the officer
bleeding, we lost our minds and started shooting." The Palestinian
Authority said that militants inside the mosque opened fire
first, but eyewitnesses contradicted this claim. By all accounts,
the crowd did torch two police vehicles, which according to
officials resulted in the death of a police officer.
</p>
<p> In fact, Arafat's security men were primed for a battle. Before
being dispatched to the mosque, they had been briefed by senior
officers. Says a policeman: "We were told that Hamas people
are provocateurs, and that they are big haters of the Palestinian
Authority and want to destroy the autonomy." He adds, "We were
not nice today because we arrived at the mosque with our faces
already red with anger."
</p>
<p> Skirmishes quickly spread to other parts of Gaza City. Officials
ordered a curfew, to no avail. Hamas and Islamic Jihad supporters
filled the streets, chanting anti-Arafat slogans and menacing
the authorities. One mob descended on Arafat's military headquarters
and tried to pull down the surrounding fence. The radicals denounced
Arafat and his followers as stooges for Israel and vowed revenge.
During a funeral procession for one of the fallen, a mourner
took up an increasingly popular chant, "O Arafat, O Arafat,
the Jihad killed Sadat," a reference to the Egyptian leader
assassinated by fundamentalists in 1981.
</p>
<p> Some of the members of Arafat's own security forces were demoralized
by their comrades' actions. Said a long-faced soldier at a checkpoint
in Gaza City: "Today we proved to all the Palestinians that
what Hamas says about us is true: that we are an instrument
in the hands of the Israelis." Eyewitnesses at the Palestine
Mosque told of a police major who, upon seeing his colleagues
open fire, tore off his cap and jacket and cried to the crowd,
"I am not one of them."
</p>
<p> Since the experiment in self-rule began last May, many Palestinians
have been telling outsiders that the notion of internecine war
was just a fantasy of Israeli right-wingers. Now the possibility
of civil war is hard to dismiss. Eyad Sarraj lists the key ingredients
he believes are already present: "A weak authority, a strong
opposition, undisciplined people on both sides, plenty of arms,
plenty of outside influence and an environment of disillusion
and despair."
</p>
<p> Soon after the unrest dissipated last week, various spokesmen
for the Islamic movements appealed for calm. That is standard
procedure in a culture that values maintaining at least a semblance
of unity. Yet the fact remains that Arafat and the militant
Islamists stand intractably opposed: he is committed to making
peace with Israel; they are determined to wreck it. Commenting
on last week's violence, a senior P.L.O. official remarked,
"I don't think it will stop."
</p>
<p> The current environment in the Gaza Strip has strengthened the
appeal of the militants. Palestinians have little, if anything,
to show for the achievement of self-rule. The Gazan economy
is in ruins. Foreign aid donors refuse to hand over significant
funds until Arafat creates a credible system of accounting for
the money. Israel, in response to the violence, has limited
the number of workers allowed to cross the border daily for
work. Just days before the Gaza riots, Egyptian President Hosni
Mubarak warned that the Gaza Strip would become "a new, tougher
Afghanistan" unless economic conditions improved immediately.
</p>
<p> Arafat's Palestinian Authority has made a poor impression on
Gazans. They complain of a disorganized and slow-moving bureaucracy
rife with corruption. The glacial pace of negotiations on further
autonomy has held up plans for withdrawal of Israeli troops
from more Arab cities on the West Bank and for Palestinian general
elections.
</p>
<p> All of that gives weight to the rejectionists' argument that
the peace Arafat made with Israel is a bad deal that should
be overturned. If this becomes the majority opinion, suggests
Sari Nusseibeh, a prominent P.L.O. figure in Jerusalem, "the
members of the Authority might just get so depressed that they'll
decide it's not worth it, that it makes more sense to say to
the people, `All right, go back to the Israeli occupation.'"
An aide to Arafat relates that in a recent conversation, the
P.L.O. leader himself talked of the possibility of dismantling
his self-rule administration and quitting Gaza as a way of wriggling
out of the troubled peace accord. The Israelis, however, have
no intention of reclaiming control of the Gaza Strip--which
means the Palestinians will have to find some way to govern
themselves, short of killing off their rivals.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>